Quotes and Excerpts from

From Marx to Lenin, Gramsci & Alinsky

Excerpts from The Keys of this Blood by Malachi Martin, 1990 [734 pages]

See also   Communist Manifesto  | Alinsky's Rules for Radicals

Was Marx a Satanist?Smiling at Socialism & Scorning the Bible


Past & Present


Skip down to Marx or Lenin

or Stalin or


Obama's Ideological Father: "Gramsci... organized the Italian Communist party in 1921.... Since this was four years after the Russian Revolution, Gramsci assumed Italians would welcome a Bolshevik convulsion of their own. But it didn’t happen.... He found three explanations: Christianity, nationalism and charity. ...the way to set the stage for a Marxist revolution was in coming to grips with these three conditions....

  • The first stratagem was the assault on Christianity by arguing religion should not inform or be employed in public discourse. Gramsci realized that if religion were confined to private worship, its hold on Italians would dissipate....

  • Second... Gramsci contended Italians were part of a grand global mission....

  • Last... Gramsci engaged in efforts to persuade Italians that the way, the only way, to express humanitarian concern for the poor or those left behind as the detritus of capitalism is through a government that can be benevolent....

"Obama... has suggested overtly and tacitly that religion should be a matter relegated to private worship outside the confines of public life.... [Through] his proposal to deny tax deductions for charitable gifts, government is being converted into the only public charity. Moreover, the transfer of wealth in the stimulus package and the increased tax burden on the most productive element of society will inevitably decrease incentives and expand the size and influence of government..... Our leaders may not identify themselves as Gramscians and may even mock the designation, but make no mistake: Gramsci’s DNA is in their bloodstream."

Totalitarianism means total government control: No earthly freedom to deviate from politically correct ideology! No personal property that's not subject to government regulations. No public communication without surveillance. No escape from the ever-tightening boundaries of government regulations and global standards.  No personal rights to follow God and share His Truth.


The pathway to socialist oppression is no longer bloody revolutions. The omnipresent dialectic process is far more subtle and effective. Enhanced by the steady drumbeat of the media's pervasive, suggestive and anti-Christian stimuli, minds are dulled and the masses indoctrinated everywhere. While people in the Soviet Union knew they were trapped in a cruel system, many could still think factually and logically. Today's managers of mind-control have nearly perfected the social "science" of collective brainwashing.

How did we get here? A time-line of the last 100 years takes us back to Georg Hegel, a German occultist who conceived the mind-changing dialectic process. His diabolical philosophy fueled Karl Marx's anti-Christian fervor -- and gave Lenin and Stalin their key weapon in their war against Christianity. After all, Communist solidarity meant the pursuit of a collective vision. And the hope of the masses must be set on an earthly Utopia, not the unchanging promises of the Biblical God.


Hindsight proves the failure of the Lenin-Stalin bloodbaths. While the masses were forced to comply,  the envisioned Utopia became a deadly nightmare.


Antonio Gramsci was the first Communist leader to see through the illusion. While firmly committed to global Communism, he knew that that violence would fail to win the West. American workers (proletariat) would never declare war on their middle class neighbors as long as they shared common Christian values. So the Italian communist -- a contemporary of Lenin -- wrote an alternative plan for a silent revolution. The main weapons would be deception, manipulation and infiltration. Hiding their Marxist ideology, the new Communist warriors would seek positions of influence in seminaries, government, communities, and the media.


They succeeded. John Foster Dulles founded the National Council of Churches and served in President Eisenhower's cabinet. His friend and ally, Alger Hiss, became the first head of the United Nation and co-author of its celebrated Charter.


Decades later, Mikhail Gorbachev, the first Soviet leaders to embrace Gramsci's Neo-Marxist plan, became a Pied Piper to leaders around the world. Every field of interest -- arts, science, education, and leadership training -- all became targets for socialist ideology and change. World leaders were learning how to control their armies of  willing servers.


Of course, Gorbachev didn't do it alone. Saul Alinsky and many others had studied Gramsci's blueprint for social transformation even before the Soviet Union collapsed, making Gorbachev a global hero. And by the time I attended his first State of the World Forum -- a strategic part of his Gramscian plan --he had won the hearts of globalist leaders from around the world.

Karl Marx  (Chapter 10)

"Marx was born into a Jewish family at Trier, Germany on May 5, 1818. He passed rapidly from the undigested Judaism of his Childhood into a short... period of Lutheranism... That moment gave ways to another intense period of his youth.... At Berlin University, he indulged in a virulent form of ceremonial confessional Satanism.... But the chief outward effect ... was to be seen in his consistently and professionally anti-God and godless outlook. Marx remained violently opposed to faith and religion for the rest of his life." [p. 200]

"By the time he graduated from Jena, in 1841, Marx had settled upon the social condition of mankind throughout history as his field of special interest....What was extraordinary was that Marx, dedicated heart and soul to atheism, should have derived that centerpiece of his thinking from Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, who had flourished and passed from the scene before Marx was fourteen....

"...human progress was defined by Hegel as a process very much like a discussion between two men arguing about something in order to explain it. One man states his opinion or theory. His companion criticizes that theory, and proposes a different one. From their continuing ~ a friendly and constructive one—there emerges a third and new theory, which preserves what was true in the first two and which both men accept.

"Hegel called the first theory a thesis. The second theory, he said, was an antithesis, because it opposed the first. The discussion itself he labeled a dialectic, from the Greek word for “conversation” or “arguing.” And the theory finally accepted out of this process he called a synthesis. ... All human progress, said Hegel, from the most primitive condition up to the most refined, proceeded along the lines of this triple-stage dialectic toward an ultimate goal.

"By the time he appropriated Hegel’s idea of the dialectic and applied it to his own thinking about the social condition of mankind throughout history, Marx was a thoroughly convinced atheist, fully persuaded there was no such thing as a soul and no such thing as spirit in man. ...

"The history of material mankind, said Marx, was a series of clashes, or dialectics, which all represented stages in what amounted to just one great clash—a kind of super-dialectic of human history that came to be called by the most famous of Marxist terms, the 'class struggle.' That clash was and always had been between the blind, material, irresistible forces inner to the proletariat, and the opposing forces of whatever privileged classes there might happen to be at any given historical period." [p. 202]

"The first internationally resonant bellow of Marxism was heard in 1848, when, together with fellow socialist Friedrich Engels, Marx published The Communist Manifesto.... Marx was feeding the fires of social upheaval with his prediction of the imminent fulfillment of mankind’s irresistible destiny: the proletarian revolution that would sweep away the oppressive superstructure... for all time.

Vital information about Marx here

10 Planks of the Communist Manifesto

  1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.

  2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.

  3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.

  4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.

  5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.

  6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.

  7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.

  8. Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.

  9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equal distribution of the population over the country.

  10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production, &c., &c.[6]

According to the Communist Manifesto, all these were prior conditions for a transition from capitalism to communism (but Marx and Engels later expressed a desire to modernize this passage[7]).

"... when Charles Darwin published his theory of evolution two years later, in 1850, Marx regarded it as far more than theory. He seized upon it as his 'scientific' proof that there was no kingdom of Heaven, only the kingdom of Matter.... So elated was Marx at the idea that man had actually evolved from stuff and matter that.... he wrote a self-congratulatory letter, in which he hailed Darwin as the one who had accomplished for anthropology what Marx himself was accomplishing for sociology." [p. 203]

"Because of his virulent opposition to religion... Marx watered down his messianic persuasion that the proletariat would very soon be supremely dominant in human society. At least, he rationalized away the more mystical elements of that messianism, in order to produce a mentally satisfying synthesis of Hegelian dialectics [and] Darwinian evolutionary theory." [p. 204]

"Believing that all religion was trash and that spirit was an opiate invented by the bourgeoisie to keep the proletarian masses drugged in their serfdom, Marx was literally unable to see that ... the selfsame spirit he rejected so roundly could blow gently, firmly, binging them all ... in the grace of their common Savior." [p. 207]

Lenin (Chapter 11)

By the time he graduated with a law degree in 1891, Ulyanov [Lenin] had become an authority on Marx. And from the beginning, his vision and his intentions were geopolitical. 'The victorious Communist revolution,' he wrote as early as 1894, is 'the historic mission of the Russian worker,' who 'will lead the Russian proletariat, side by side with the
proletariat of all countries... to a victorious Communist revolution.”
[p. 210]

      "The whole world of mankind—'all this, nothing less than this, nothing more than this'—was his focus and his intended terrain. World history, not merely Russia’s story, was the deliberately chosen backdrop for his revolutionary undertaking. Ulyanov was then twenty-four years old.

      "In that same year, he met another revolutionary spirit, a young woman named Nadezhda Krupskaya. When, predictably enough, he ran afoul of the Czarist authorities and was sent to Siberia, Krupskaya followed
him there. The two were married in 1898 and were never separated until he died twenty-six years later. It was at about that time, too, that Ulyanov changed his name to Lenin. The new name had no meaning as a word; but as a symbol, it stood for his total break with the past.

      "From the time he left Siberia until he acceded to full power over Russia in 1917, Lenin was constantly on the move. He shuttled back and forth between his homeland and Germany, Switzerland and France, Belgium and England, Sweden and Austria. ... Always he was contending for primacy in the leadership of the socialist international fraternity. Always he was maneuvering and plotting, organizing his own political party, the Bolsheviks.... That day dawned in the spring of 1917." [p. 210]


"By the evening of November 7, Petrograd—later renamed Leningrad—was in Bolshevik hands. Kerensky, who only narrowly escaped death, later fled Russia and eventually made his home in the United States. Late in November, 42 million people voted in the only free elections Russians have ever been allowed. Lenin’s party, the Bolsheviks, polled 24 percent of the vote. The non-Marxist Social Revolution Party emerged with a solid 58 percent.

      "Lenin would have none of it. 'We made the mistake,' he said, 'of promising that this talk shop [the Constituent Assembly] would open up. . . but history has not yet said a word about when we will shut it down.' Lenin quickly made up for history’s lack.

       "Before Lenin’s ring of steel closed down all hope, one soviet deputy, S. A. Sorokin, faced the Bolshevik leader with the enormity of his crime. '“Now,' he screamed at Lenin in public session, 'when the great dream [of a truly constituent assembly of free Russians] is about to come true, you dally with the idea of a Bolshevik Paradise.... By clinging to this mad delusion, you will reap its certain fruits: starvation, tyranny, civil war and horrors which you cannot even imagine.'

       "Sorokin’s was the prophetic voice of blame not only for that first crime against the great Russian dream, but for all of Russia’s subsequent ills and all its subsequent crimes against humanity....

       "For Lenin, however, it made no practical difference that his cause had been trounced in the popular vote. It didn’t even matter that there had been no Communist Revolution—no glorious uprising of the Russian people in a living expression of his proletarian dream. And certainly it did not matter that there had only been the unlawful and violent rape of national power by the armed bully boys of Lenin’s failed Bolshevik Party. A coup would serve the purpose every bit as well in the end...." [p. 212]

"Over the five years that followed the Bolshevik coup, Lenin at least dominated those problems, even if he didn’t solve them all. But by any standard the world might care to use, his greatest achievement by far was his creation of the worldwide institutional organization perfectly suited to the geopolitical attainment of his proletarian ideal. Into the building of that organization Lenin threw every skill he had acquired over the years: his logic, his oratory and his prestige. The ingrained traits of his character all came into play. Mercilessness and ruthlessness with his opponents. Lies. Betrayals. Deception. False promises.
       "Lenin moved quickly to organize his own deeply revised version of the destroyed Constituent Assembly—a pan-Russian Congress of Soviets, dominated by his Bolsheviks.... Through his Bolsheviks, Lenin exercised a keen control of the entire process of assembly, discussions and voting. ... He now had in his hands everything he needed by way of building blocks with which to erect the state that would be, in its very essence, the apt and ideal instrument for fomenting and managing every step of the coming world-
wide proletarian revolution
       "The new state he intended to create was not primarily and essentially meant to function for the people. It would use the people for another and wider aim."  
[p. 213]

"Lenin imbued Marxist ideas with his own sublet thinking about the political form Marxism should take. And he brought to bear two talents Marx had lacked: a ruthless organizational ability, and long revolutionary experience. The result has rightly and accurately been called Leninist Marxism.... 'Only force would produce social change,' he wrote." [p. 215]

"Lenin so organized the all-powerful Central Committee that it exercised its inward dictatorship over the Party, as well as its outward dictatorship over the proletariat, by means of three 'sections' that Lenin devised for that purpose:

  1. the Secretariat,
  2. the Political Bureau [Politburo] - " the surveillance arm of the Party-State, to monitor and maintain ideological correctness and purity in the political structure of the Party..."
  3. the Organization Bureau - "to monitor the functional efficiency and excellence of the CP, of its CC, and of the entire Party-State government."

"...all three sections reckoned efficiency and excellence primarily in ideological terms. They were there as the internal organs of the CP,
devised to keep it clean of contamination and vigorous in its Leninist-Marxist health. ... [H]e would continue ... to stamp them with the unmistakable hallmark of genuine Leninism... the counterintelligence mission of the Party-State."
[p. 217]

Indeed, as early as December 20, 1917...  the then spanking-new Sovnarkom had already issued the protocol that first established the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to Counteract Counter-Revolution and Sabotage. Known by one of the most famous of all Soviet acronyms, CHEKA, this department was attached structurally as the good right arm of the CC’s first section, the Secretariat."  [pps. 217-218]

"In a true sense, CHEKA was the essential structure. In its later forms— GPU, OGPU, NKVD and KGB—it would remain so, both within and outside the Soviet Union....
    "It took Lenin and Dzerzhinsky a short time to realize that the intelligence game between nations was only secondarily a matter of data gathering, of 'spying' in the classical sense of the word and of ascertaining the factual condition of opponents and competitors...."
[p. 218]

"In that same year, Lenin already lamented that 'our CHEKA unfortunately does not extend to America.' Seeking the first pegs on which to anchor a geopolitical network that would hasten the day of worldwide proletarian revolution, Lenin seized upon an earlier initiative of European socialists. This was the International Workingmen’s Association, founded with Karl Marx’s participation
in London in 1864. Known as the First International, it had been succeeded by a refurbished Second International in 1889. It was at the
Moscow Congress of 1919, convened to produce the Third International, that Lenin seized control and created the Communist International (the Comintern), intending it to be an international clone of his own CP.
     The Comintern did indeed function as that Party clone, until it was dissolved by Stalin in 1943. He did not need it anymore.

"Having renounced all reliance on the moral and religious traditions that had made Western civilization possible in the first place ... Lenin suffered from a poverty of alternatives.... There was one quickly passing moment toward the end of his life when Lenin had within arm's reach the possibility of correcting the most fatal flaws in his Leninism. It came in the person of ... Antonio Gramsci." [p.224]

Stalin & Hitler  (Chapter 12)

"Born in Gori, Georgia [1879] to a sadistic shoemaker...  [A] nickname among his comrades spoke of a chilling side to his character. 'Demonschile,' they called him. 'Devil.'" [p. 228]

"Along with the millions of Soviet citizens who were killed or imprisoned, 1,108 of the 1,966 delegates who had so obligingly brought these new Stalinist creations into existence were executed between 1936and 1938 during Stalin's Great Purges and his three Great Public Trials. With the Central Committee itself, 98 of its 138 members and member candidates were executed." [p. 236]

"Hitler was an apt target for the advances of Marxist Russia... precisely because of his admiration for Stalin and for his proven methods of genocide. Stalin's Foundations of Leninism, which had argued so passionately for wholesale genocide as a legitimate tool of socialism, had been published in German translation in 1924. Soon after taking power in 1933, Hitler remarked to a confidant, Hermann Rauschning, that

'the whole of National Socialism [the Nazi political philosophy] is based on Marxism.'...

"Hitler was far from lonely, even in the West, in his admiration for the Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist doctrine of genocide. It found able and even celebrated defenders in the likes of such English literary heroes as H. G. Wells, Havelock Ellis and George Bernard Shaw, to name just a few. Shaw even went so far as to call for the inventions of 'a humane gas that will kill instantly and painlessly'; and for the extermination of 'useless races' on 'a scientific bases.'...

"Hitler found exactly what Shaw had called for in the Zyklon-B gas with which he snuffed out the lives of six million Jews and other 'useless races.'" [p. 239]

Note: This deadly product was provided with help from Bush, the grandfather George W. Bush, our current president. See "How Bush's grandfather helped Hitler's rise to power"]

"Despite his incomparable ruthlessness, which was in full swing in the 1930s, Stalin... was so unbelievably skillful in promoting his cult that America was able to ... ignore his genocidal policies.... An article in Harper's weekly presented but one example of the agreeable stereotype that came to be accepted in the Unites States:

'Uncle Joe' as President Franklin D. Roosevelt himself dubbed Stalin familiarly -- that gentle bear of a man, firm, pipe-smoking, devoted to his family, and living modestly on a manager's salary, like any honest American capitalist." [p. 239]

Antonio Gramsci  (Chapter 13)

"...the political formula Gramsci devised has done much more than classical Leninism -- and certainly more than Stalinism -- to spread Marxism throughout the capitalist West." [p. 243]

"By 1913, he was a member of the Italian Socialist Party. In 1919, he founded a newspaper, whose name alone—L’Ordine Nuovo, The New Order—gave clear indication of his bent of mind and of the fact that, like Lenin, he was both a visionary and a doer of deeds. In 1921... Gramsci [co-]founded the Italian Communist Party. The next year...Benito Mussolini came to power.... Italy became a Fascist nation. And Gramsci took off for what he no doubt expected would be the safer haven of Lenin’s USSR.

"Marxist though he was, and as fully convinced as Lenin that there was a force completely inner to mankind driving it on as a whole to the Marxist ideal of the 'Workers’ Paradise,' Gramsci was too aware of the facts of history and of life to accept other basic and gratuitous assumptions made by Marx, and accepted unquestioningly by Lenin....

"Gramsci himself rejected Christianity and all its transcendent claims. Nevertheless, he knew Christian culture existed.... For that was the force binding all the classes... into a single, homogeneous culture. It was a specifically Christian culture, in which individual men and women understood that the most important things about human life transcended the material conditions in which they lived out their mortal lives.

"Gramsci agreed that the great mass of the world’s population was made up of workers. That much was just plain fact. What became clear to him, however, was that nowhere—and especially not in Christian Europe—did the workers of the world see themselves as separated from the ruling classes by an ideological chasm. ... 

"There would never be a glorious uprising of the proletariat. There would be no Marxist-inspired violent overthrow of the ruling 'superstructure' by the working 'underclasses.' Because no matter how oppressed they might be, the 'structure' of the working classes was defined not by their misery or their oppression but by their Christian faith and their Christian culture....

"The Marxist insistence that everything valuable in life was within mankind—was immanent in mankind and its earthly condition—was impotent against such a bulwark." [pps. 244-245]

"Gramsci did not live to witness Hitler’s betrayal of Stalin and the failure of yet another plan for violent proletarian revolt.... Nor did he live to see even the first traces of the vindication and victory of his ideas. Nevertheless, when the first volume of what he had written in prison was published in 1947—a full ten years after his death—the voice of the long-dead Marxist prophet became a reality for which the world at large had no ready answer. A reality that would bedevil Joseph Stalin and each of his successors until Mikhail Gorbachev, who listened at last, would finally take the hand of Gramsci’s ghost and set off on the Leninist-Marxist road to the twenty-first century." [p. 247]

"A key element of Gramsci’s blueprint for the global victory of Marxism rested on Hegel’s distinction between what was 'inner' or 'immanent' to man and what man held to be outside and above him and his world—a superior force transcending the limitations of individuals and of groups, both large and small."
[p. 247]

[The next section shows how the church must be adapted to this-worldly vision of a material paradise. The emerging church has already embraced this counterfeit vision of an earthly "kingdom of 'God.'"]

"Marxism's 'transcendent,' said Gramsci, was the utopian ideal....

"Gramsci argued that unless you can systematically touch what is immanent and immediate to individuals and groups and societies in their daily lives, you cannot convince them to struggle for any transcendent." [p. 248]

"...therefore, the call of Marx and Lenin to impose their 'transcendent by violent force was a futile contradiction in human logic. It was no wonder that... the only Marxist state that existed was imposed and maintained by for e and by terrorist policies....  If Marxism could not find a way to change that formula, it would have no future.

"What was essential,' insisted Gramsci, was to Marxize the inner man. Only when that was done could you successfully dangle the utopia of the 'Workers' Paradise' [the classless society] before his eyes....  And he was totally convinced that the material dimension of everything ... was the whole of it....

"Even Stalinist terror methods, Gramsci predicted, could not eliminate what he called “the forces of bourgeois reaction.” Instead, he warned,
those reactionary forces—organized religion, the intellectual and academic establishment, capitalist and entrepreneurial circles—all would be compressed by any such repression into dense streams of tradition, resistance and resentment. ...
     "Clearly, if Gramsci was to change the common cultural outlook, the first order of business had to be to change the outward face of the Communist Party. For starters, Marxists would have to drop all Leninist shibboleths. It wouldn’t do to rant about 'revolution' and 'dictatorship of the proletariat' and the 'Workers’ Paradise.' Instead... Marxists would have to exalt such ideas as 'national consensus' and 'national unity'....
     "Further, advised Gramsci, Marxists around the world ... would have to engage in the practical and normally accepted democratic processes, in lobbying and voting and the full gamut of parliamentary participation. They would have to behave in every respect the way Western democrats behave—not only accepting the existence of many political parties but forging alliances with some and friendships with others. They would have to defend pluralism, in fact."
[p. 249-250]     

"And—heresy of all Leninist heresies—Marxists would even have to defend different types of Communist parties in different countries. The Central Committee of the CPSU would still be the operational center of world Marxism—would still direct this new style of world revolution by penetration and corruption. But no Communist Party in any country outside the Soviet Union would be a forced clone of the CPSU.
      "On top of all that, Marxists must imitate, perfect and expand the roles already invented by Lenin and his 'intelligence expert.'... Marxists must join with women, with the poor, with those who find certain civil laws oppressive. They must adopt different tactics for different cultures and subcultures. They must never show an inappropriate face. And, in this manner, they must enter into every civil, cultural and political activity in every nation, patiently leavening them all as thoroughly as yeast leavens bread.
     "Even such a pervasive blueprint as that would not work in the end, however, unless Gramsci could successfully target Marxism’s greatest enemy. ... the Christianity that had created and still pervaded Western culture in all its forms, activities and expressions. ....
     "For this purpose, Gramsci felt the timing was rather good. For though Christianity appeared on the surface to be strong, it had for some time been debilitated by unceasing attacks ag failing remnant of Christianity. ... Marxists must change the residually Christian mind... so that it would become not merely a non-Christian mind but an anti-Christian mind."

    "...he needed to get individuals and groups in every class and station of life to think about life’s problems without reference to the Christian transcendent, without reference to God and the laws of God. He needed to get them to react with antipathy and positive opposition to any introduction of Christian ideals or the Christian transcendent into the treatment and solution of the problems of modern life."
[p. 251]

"...Gramsci was a Marxist through and through. And the bedrock essence of Marxism—the cornerstone of the Marxist ideal of a this-worldly Paradise as the summit of human existence—is that there is nothing beyond the matter of this universe. There is nothing in existence that transcends man—his material organism within his material surroundings."
     "...such goals, like most of Gramsci’s blueprint, had to be pursued by means of a quiet and anonymous revolution. No armed and bloody uprisings.... Rather, everything must be done in the name of man’s dignity and rights.... [The new world must not only move beyond -- it must learn to despise] the claims and constraints of Christianity, above all. ...

     "Do that, he promised, and in essence you will have Marxized the West. The final step—the Marxization of the politics of life itself—will then follow." [p. 251]

"Liberation Theology was a perfectly faithful exercise of Gramsci's principles. It could be launched with the corruption of a relatively few well placed Judas goats. Yet it could be aimed at the culture and the mentality of the masses. It stripped both of any attachment to the Christian transcendent. It locked both the individual and his culture in the close embrace of a goal that was totally immanent; the class struggle for socio-political liberation. [p. 260-261]

"In the United States and Europe, meanwhile, the poor were too small in numbers, too isolated and too uninterested to serve as a primary target for Gramscian opportunity. No matter, For in both areas there were major seminaries that were already a... anti-traditional in their theology. They rapidly enshrined Liberation Theology as the new way of thinking about all the old questions. [p. 261-262]

The process of secularization in the Catholic and Protestant churches progressed so rapidly and with such energy that, just as Gramsci had foreseen, it fed into other streams of anti-Church influence in the West.  Those were streams that, seemingly independent of Marxist influence, advocated a materialistic interpretation of all sectors of human through, investigation and action. [p. 262]

"...the academic faculties of Europe and America, already proud of the position in the vanguard of liberal and forward-looking political thinking, took like ducks to the rising tide of Marxist interpretations of history, law, religion and scientific inquiry.

"(Dawkins -- no God -- just aliens  -  Look Who's Irrational Now).... All the meaning of human life and the answer to every human hope were contained within the boundaries of the visible, tangible, material world of the here and now." [p. 262]

"The 'liberalized' culture of the West nations essentially converged with the process of mounting secularization, sharing freely and solidly in the new sacred principle that all the life, activities and hopes of mankind rested on the solid structures of this world alone. [see WSJ article on religious superstition]

    ...secular systems of beliefs-- Humanism, Mega-religion and the grab bag of New Age....forged their own not-so-strange alliances with Gramsci's heirs, rushing into the religious vacuum of formerly Christian societies. For they too, were united in insisting... that faith had no function expect to help all mankind to unite and be at peace within this world, in order to reach its ultimate peak of human development." [p.264]

"...Gramsci's ghost had captivated them all into his "Marxist hegemony of the mind.." The transcendent had bowed to the immanent. Total materialism was freely, peace fully and agreeably adopted everywhere in the name of man's dignity and rights... autonomy and freedom from outside constraints. Above all, as Gramsci had planned, this was done in the name of freedom from the laws and constraints of Christianity." [p.265]

"George Orwell once wrote that 'at any given moment, there is a sort of all-pervading orthodoxy -- a general tacit agreement not to discuss some large and uncomfortable fact.'...  What now passes for philosophy is nothing more than a hybrid complex of fashions... and impulses and theories ant mold public opinion..." [p.266]

"They join with the Christian churches in brotherly dialogue and in common humanitarian ventures. But the object is to confirm the new Christianity in its anti-metaphysical and essentially atheistic pursuit of liberation from material inconvenience, from the fear of a nuclear holocaust, from sexual restriction of any kind and, finally, from all supernatural constrictions.... Total liberation is to construct the long-dreamed Leninist-Marxist Utopia.... By just that process, authored by Antonio Gramsci... has Western culture deprived itself of its lifeblood." [p.267-268]

"Mikhail Gorbachev burst upon the world scene as the first Soviet leader big-minded enough to appraise, appreciate and fully embrace the Gramscian formula.... Gorbachev is being very faithful to his hard-core Leninism, while adding his own updating and correctives." [p.272] 

A story from Voice of the Martyrs to lighten the darkness of such Communist totalitarianism

"Florica was skeptical and resisted hope. For weeks now, they had seen women leaving the prison. No one knew where they were being taken as the names were called out and the women gathered in the prison yard. Maybe they really were being released.

"And so, when she heard her name called, she resigned herself to accept God’s will, no matter what it was.

"The major behind the desk said, 'In this place, you must know that I am more powerful than God. At least, up to this point, your God has not made any interventions on your behalf. But have you really accepted this? I mean, you must realize by now that  in a Communist society, a god is not needed! And you shouldn’t need one either. If you are ever released from here, you will see for yourself the amazing achievements we have made in the last few years, and this is just the beginning!'

"Florica looked at the documents on his desk and responded, “I see that you are powerful. And I’m sure you have documents there about me that I’ve never seen that can decide my fate. But God keeps records, too. Neither one of us would have life without him. So whether he keeps me here or sets me free, I’ll accept that as best for me.”

"Three days later, Florica was released."

Trading Truth for a "Social Gospel"  |  Was Marx a Satanist?